Author: admin

  • In defense of stuff

    In defense of stuff

    If you’ve been enjoying The Argument and would like to share it with friends and family for the holidays, you’re in luck! You can save 15% now through Dec. 24 when you gift a subscription to The Argument using the link below.

    Gift a subscription

    And for those of you looking for something more tangible, we’ve also got merch — our hats and “Libbing Out!” stickers are now online.

    Buy merchandise

    Consumption gets a bad rap, but it was still unusual to hear the president of the United States concede that not only was his signature economic policy going to increase prices, but that was perhaps a good thing because it would reduce overconsumption: “All I’m saying is that a young lady, a 10-year-old girl, 9-year-old girl, 15-year-old girl, doesn’t need 37 dolls.”

    Putting aside the disturbing choice to refer to 9-year-olds as young ladies, I’ve been mulling Trump’s anti-overconsumption take as I do my own holiday shopping. Because it’s not just Trump. The idea that Americans’ consumption habits are disgusting or over-the-top is the conventional wisdom that has spurred a thousand takes.

    And while I think wastefulness is bad, comments about overconsumption have always rubbed me the wrong way. First, because most consumption is great and all better worlds feature dramatically more consumption than we have right now, not less. And second, because elite complaints about overconsumption are usually about mocking what other people spend their money on.

  • Why I’m not a centrist

    Why I’m not a centrist

    Is liberal just another word for moderate or centrist?

    Leftists certainly think so. Take the song “Baby, I’m an Anarchist,” by the punk band Against Me!, which illustrates this dynamic perfectly:

    “You believe in authority, I believe in myself.
    I’m a Molotov cocktail, You’re the Dom Perignon.
    Baby, what’s that confused look in your eyes? What I’m trying to say is that
    I’ll burn down buildings while you sit on a shelf inside of them.

    You call the cops on the looters and pie-throwers.
    They call it class war, I call it co-conspirators.

    ‘Cause baby, I’m an anarchist and you’re a spineless liberal.
    We marched together for the eight-hour day
    And held hands in the streets of Seattle.
    But when it came time to throw bricks through that Starbucks window
    You left me all alone (all alone)”

    Great song, and I guess a clean hit? I would march for an eight-hour day but am also opposed to throwing bricks through Starbucks windows. That’s not spinelessness, I just think peaceful protest for workers’ rights is good and effective, and I think intentional property damage is both counterproductive to gaining support and doesn’t really communicate anything except, well, anarchy. What radicals call moderation is often liberals honoring constraints (rights, universalism, pluralism) that have nothing to do with hugging the middle.

    But it’s not just anarchists who define liberalism as milquetoast centrism.

    In the aftermath of the release of Abundance, Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson’s 2025 policy book, and after we launched The Argument, the familiar charge that liberalism is synonymous with centrism and moderation came back in full force — from both opponents of abundance liberalism and its allies:

    The Atlantic’s Jonathan Chait initially called The Argument a part of moderate Democrats’ counteroffensive.

    New York magazine’s Simon van Zuylen-Wood called The Argument — as well as Abundance writ large — centrist.1

    Another piece in The Atlantic, this time by Elaine Godfrey, again characterized us as a center-left project.

    And, of course, how could I go without mentioning the Revolving Door Project, a group ostensibly focused on reducing churn between the private sector and public office, which initially characterized The Argument as “a factional publication committed to pushing strict adherence to centrist orthodoxy,” more than a month before we had even announced our existence. Charming.

    Just to be annoyingly definitional for a moment: Liberalism is a normative political philosophy concerned with universal individual rights, pluralism, and the limits of free enterprise. Centrism, on the other hand, is a positional term, defined as the middle between extremes. Centrism can be a tactical electoral strategy focused on the median voter, and it can be a normative philosophy that argues for incrementalism and compromise as virtues in and of themselves.

    As I’ve laid it out, it’s obvious that these are two different things, but I don’t want to feign ignorance. The best version of the argument that conflates liberalism and centrism is that liberals have become centrists in practice. More on this later.

    The real problem for liberals is that most people don’t even know what the word means. Since becoming the punching bag for anti- and post-liberals across the political spectrum, liberals largely retreated from self-definition; it’s rare to even hear a politician use the term liberal to define themselves. Into that growing silence rushed our opponents’ caricatures: Leftists define us as moderates or incrementalists while rightists, to the chagrin of the far left, call us leftists.

    There are left-liberals and left-illiberals, right-liberals and right-illiberals, centrist-liberals and centrist-illiberals. The fight of the 21st century will not be about the traditional left-right axis. It will be about the broader questions of individual freedom, self-determination, equal rights, universalism, pluralism, and a positive-sum view of the economy.

    I’ll take my cues from “Baby, I’m an Anarchist“ — it’s most useful to define through contrast. On a wide array of issues, from abundance to democratic reforms to immigration, liberals and centrists find themselves in wildly different places.

  • The fox in liberalism’s henhouse

    The fox in liberalism’s henhouse

    There are many open, full-frontal assaults on liberalism. Conservatives, fascists, and communists have all attacked different aspects of liberal values to different ends — from free markets to individual rights to freedom of expression to democratic self-government. In the postwar era, liberalism came out on top. But there are no permanent victories.

    Modern liberalism was experienced at fending off challenges that announced themselves at the front door, but one of the most successful anti-liberal challenges crept through the side gate. Critical Race Theory and related identitarian ideas fooled many of us into thinking it was just a new, strange version of liberalism. These ideas fooled us in part because they were so poorly understood even by those arguing for them.

    In this essay, I’m using “liberalism” in the philosophical sense: the view that the basic unit of moral concern is the individual; that institutions should be governed by general, neutral rules; and that rights and due process are core to justice. The illiberal ideas I’m critiquing, on the other hand, treat groups — particularly racial, gender, and sexual identities — as the real subjects of politics, see “neutral” rules as a cover for domination by whites and men, and redefine justice as rebalancing power between groups rather than protecting the freedoms and rights of all individuals.

    What I’ve come to see in retrospect is that we were witnessing large-scale entryism of a deeply and explicitly anti-liberal program into liberal spaces. But it happened in a genuinely confused and confusing way.

  • “Some kids are just dumb” is not good education policy

    “Some kids are just dumb” is not good education policy

    When I write about the failure of our schools to teach kids basic math, education writer Freddie deBoer complains that I am ignoring the obvious fact that some children are simply not that smart and will never master advanced math. “Big-time proponents of quantitative assessment like Kelsey Piper here also can’t accept that academic ability is normally distributed and that there will always be a bottom 50%/25%/10% … [people like Piper] act like it’s a matter of crisis when that testing reveals the inevitable reality that some people just aren’t good at school,” he wrote in a recent comment in response to my UC San Diego innumeracy article.

    When I write about the failure of our schools to teach our kids how to read, deBoer complains that I am ignoring the obvious fact that some children are simply not that smart and can never be expected to read.

    If I say we should adopt high-quality curricula and train teachers on them, deBoer complains that I am “big mad that we haven’t just waved the magic wand and saved the kids, which she insists (again and again) is something we could just do, if only we had the will.” Never fear, deBoer knows better: “Not all students are equally talented, and this can never change.”

  • Karine Jean-Pierre is not a #GirlBoss

    Karine Jean-Pierre is not a #GirlBoss

    The Karine Jean-Pierre press tour was perfect group chat fodder but I didn’t really have much to say about it until I saw Sarah Jones’ piece in New York Magazine: “Karine Jean-Pierre and the Return of the Girlboss.” In it, Jones characterizes Jean-Pierre, the former White House press secretary, as a #girlboss, which she defines as a woman whose “professional accomplishments outweigh moral considerations.” But that’s not what a Girlboss is!

    Jones is not the only one to evoke the image of the Girlboss in relation to Jean-Pierre. In Becca Rothfeld’s beautifully scathing review of Jean-Pierre’s new book Independent, she calls the former press secretary an artifact of “the age of pantsuits, the word ‘empowerment,’ the musical ‘Hamilton,’ the cheap therapeutic entreaties to ‘work on yourself’ and ‘lean in’ to various corporate abysses.”

    Jean-Pierre isn’t a Girlboss — in fact, calling her one is an affront to real Girlbosses who at least believed in competence and effort. Rather, she represents a post-Girlboss moment where striving has been replaced by pure performance and where one’s identity is trotted out as a ready-made shield.

    Whatever your gripes with Girlboss feminism, to be a Girlboss is to steadfastly believe that hard work, professional excellence, and success could lead to gender equality. Jones’ definition ignores the Girlboss’ naked ambition as well as her pollyannaish but sincere belief that collective benefits would come from her success.

    Jean-Pierre contains neither the desperate energy of the striving perfectionist nor even the pretense that her ascension should provide concrete benefits to the groups she superficially represents. Rather, she is something utterly different and unreservedly worse: Jean-Pierre is what comes after the death of the Girlboss, after the strivers have been driven underground, after a yearning for excellence has been mocked into oblivion.

  • The immigration problem is a crime problem

    The immigration problem is a crime problem

    It’s the crime, stupid.

    That’s all I could think when I saw the latest numbers from our newest survey at The Argument, where we polled voters on their attitudes about immigration — and the policies that may get them to support more of it.

    Contrary to what many may think, Americans are not inherently anti-immigration. In many cases, voters have clear and positive impressions of the contributions immigrants have made, both to the country and to their local communities. But support for immigration has still seen a marked dip since Donald Trump’s first term.

    Why? Here’s a big reason: A nontrivial chunk of American voters are linking immigration to crime.

    When it comes to immigration’s impact on the economy (+11), culture (+22), and overall in their local communities (+14), Americans view the impact of immigration positively. But when it comes to public safety (-16), it’s a different story altogether.

    Just 21% of Americans think immigration has had a positive impact when it comes to public safety in their communities, while 37% think that the impact has been negative. That makes it the only tested dimension on which the public has a net-negative view of immigration’s local impact.